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Showing posts with label Guatemala. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Guatemala. Show all posts

Saturday, August 2, 2025

Latin America Rising > Bukele could be President for Life in El Salvador; Guatemala updates money laundering laws; Ecuador's bill to regulate NGOs introduced

 

El Salvador abolishes presidential term limits,

extends term length

   
MP Claudia Ortiz, the lone elected representative of the Let's Go party in the 60-seat Salvadoran legislative assembly holds a placard Thursday protesting changes to the constitution that will allow the president to run an unlimited number of times. The sign reads "Only the People Can Save the People." Photo by Rodrigo Sura/EPA
MP Claudia Ortiz, the lone elected representative of the Let's Go party in the 60-seat Salvadoran legislative assembly holds a placard Thursday protesting changes to the constitution that will allow the president to run an unlimited number of times. The sign reads "Only the People Can Save the People." Photo by Rodrigo Sura/EPA

Aug. 1 (UPI) -- El Salvadoran lawmakers voted to abolish presidential term limits as part of constitutional reforms that could allow the country's populist president, Nayib Bukele, to remain in power indefinitely.

Under the reformed electoral system, the previous five-year term is increased to six years and a restriction limiting presidents to a single term is removed, allowing El Salvador's executive to run for office an unlimited number of times.

Members of Bukele's New Ideas Party in the Legislative Assembly voted through the reform on Thursday, 18 months after Bukele won a second term in a landslide victory, despite a constitutional prohibition on consecutive terms. The Supreme Court, packed with pro-Bukele justices, waived the ban on grounds that it infringed Bukele's human rights.

Opposition politicians and human rights organizations condemned the move, saying it removed one of the last remaining checks on power and brought the country a step closer to becoming a one-party state.

"Today, democracy has died in El Salvador," said opposition Republican National Alliance MP Marcela Villatoro.

Human Rights Watch said it was a power grab by Bukele aimed at ushering in a dictatorship.

"He's very clearly following the path of leaders who use their popularity to concentrate power to undermine the rule of law and eventually to establish a dictatorship," said HRW Americas deputy director Juan Pappier.

Cristosal, El Salvador's leading human rights organization, which fled the country for Guatemala two weeks ago citing threats and intimidation against its staff, criticized the lack of process and the way the change was rushed through.

"The day before vacation, without debate, without informing the public, in a single legislative vote, they changed the political system to allow the president to perpetuate himself in power indefinitely and we continue to follow the well-travelled path of autocrats," said Cristosal executive Noah Bullock.

Bukele's popularity mainly stems from a crime crackdown, targeting gangs in particular, that has seen El Salvador transformed from one of the most violent nations in the world to one of the safest in the region.

However, he is a divisive figure among Salvadorans.

His policies, including the use of emergency powers to detain as many as 75,000 people without due process, have drawn fire from human rights groups such as Amnesty International, which has said El Salvador was engaged in a "gradual replacement of gang violence with state violence."

The United States got pulled into questions around El Salvador after Maryland resident Kilmar Abrego Garcia, an undocumented Salvadoran migrant, was detained in one of Bukele's notorious 'mega prisons' after being wrongly deported to El Salvador in violation of a 2019 court order that said he could not be deported there.

He was among a group of 261 inmates imprisoned in one of the huge penal facilities after being deported by the Trump administration, who it said were either members of the Venezuelan Tren de Aragua gang or the Salvadoran-dominated MS-13.

Abrego Garcia, who was accused of being a member of the MS-13, was returned to the United States in June at the request of the Justice Department to face federal migrant smuggling charges in Tennessee.



Guatemala pushes money laundering bill to avoid international sanctions

By Macarena Hermosilla
   
Guatemalan President Bernardo Arevalo, who formally submitted the money-laundering bill to Congress on Tuesday, speaks a day earlier at a press conference in Guatemala City. Photo by Alex Cruz/EPA
Guatemalan President Bernardo Arevalo, who formally submitted the money-laundering bill to Congress on Tuesday, speaks a day earlier at a press conference in Guatemala City. Photo by Alex Cruz/EPA

July 31 (UPI) -- The Guatemalan government has introduced key legislation to modernize its money laundering laws and prevent the country from being added to the international financial system's "gray list" -- a designation that could raise borrowing costs and limit access to credit.

President Bernardo Arévalo formally submitted the bill to Congress on Tuesday, calling it a strategic tool to strike at the "heart" of organized crime and drug trafficking.  

During the launch of a program aimed at integrating Guatemalan companies into Walmart's supply chain in Central America, U.S. Ambassador Tobin Bradley stated that "the new anti-money laundering law is a platform for transparency and for attracting more investment to Guatemala."

The proposal updates laws from 2001 and 2005 that officials say are outdated and inadequate for confronting modern money laundering and illicit financing schemes.

It expands the range of entities required to implement controls, report suspicious transactions and appoint compliance officers. The bill also includes reforms to the Penal Code, Commercial Code, Law Against Organized Crime and private security regulations.

If the reform is not approved and implemented this year, Guatemala risks being placed on the "gray list" of the Financial Action Task Force, an intergovernmental organization created in 1989 by the G7.

The list includes jurisdictions with strategic deficiencies in their anti-money laundering and counter-terrorist financing systems. Countries on the list are under increased monitoring and must address shortcomings within set timeframes.

"Being added to this list would significantly restrict international transactions, raise the cost of external financing and, in turn, limit access to credit. It could also lead to local banks losing the ability to work with international banks, making it harder to carry out essential operations for the people of Guatemala -- such as remittances, international payments or letters of credit for exporters," Arévalo said.

The initiative's legislative prospects depend on the political support the government can secure among various blocs in Congress, where it holds a minority.

The executive branch said it has begun informal talks with congressional blocs and plans to make formal presentations to committees and party groups once Congress returns from recess.

Guatemala has faced warnings from Financial Action Task Force Latin America since 2022 for failing to pass key reforms. The Inter-American Development Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have warned the country that without new legislation, a poor assessment will be inevitable at the next task force plenary meeting, which is likely in October.

The Arévalo administration views the reform as one of its most significant efforts to modernize the country's institutional framework.



Ecuador joins regional push to control

NGO funding

By Macarena Hermosilla
   
Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa's proposal would create a mandatory registry for nonprofit entities, require regular financial reporting and allow the government to suspend or revoke operating permits if NGOs engage in “activities incompatible with the national interest.” Photo by MARXCINE/Pixabay
Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa's proposal would create a mandatory registry for nonprofit entities, require regular financial reporting and allow the government to suspend or revoke operating permits if NGOs engage in “activities incompatible with the national interest.” Photo by MARXCINE/Pixabay

Aug. 1 (UPI) -- Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa has introduced a bill in the National Assembly to regulate the funding and activities of non-governmental organizations, particularly those that receive money from abroad.

The proposal would create a mandatory registry for nonprofit entities, require regular financial reporting and allow the government to suspend or revoke operating permits if NGOs engage in "activities incompatible with the national interest."

If approved, Ecuador would join a regional push that has taken shape over the past year in countries such as Peru, El Salvador and Paraguay.

According to the Ecuadorian government, the bill aims to bring greater transparency to the operations of NGOs, many of which it says operate without clearly disclosing their funding sources, international ties or true objectives.

"I'm not attacking NGOs. Some of them do honorable work and help people in Ecuador. Those organizations won't have problems because they'll be able to explain where their money comes from," Noboa said.

Although the bill does not yet specify penalties, it would require organizations to disclose their donors, provide documentation for expenses and avoid political activities not explicitly authorized in their charters.

Civil society groups in Ecuador have voiced concern, warning the measure could open the door to arbitrary restrictions and potential censorship.

In March, Peru's Congress passed a law expanding the powers of the Peruvian Agency for International Cooperation to audit foreign-funded projects. The law allows fines of up to $500,000 and authorizes the suspension of organizations that use those funds to bring legal action against the state -- a common practice in human rights and Indigenous advocacy.

Despite opposition from more than 70 domestic NGOs and international groups, including the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and Human Rights Watch, President Dina Boluarte's government defended the law as a way to "organize" international cooperation.

In El Salvador, the ruling-party-controlled legislature approved the Foreign Agents Law in May. The law imposes a 30% tax on foreign donations, requires registration in a special government registry and gives the executive branch authority to sanction or shut down organizations it accuses of meddling in domestic affairs.

Human rights groups have condemned the Salvadoran law, saying it restricts the work of humanitarian organizations and independent media.

In Paraguay, a regulation enacted in November 2024 requires all nonprofit organizations to register with the Ministry of Economy and Finance, file biannual reports on income and expenses and disclose any ties to international agencies.

The measure prohibits unregistered NGOs from signing agreements with the state and includes penalties ranging from suspension of activities to the permanent revocation of legal status.

Paraguayan and regional organizations have warned that the law criminalizes international cooperation and could seriously undermine human rights advocacy.

Critics say these measures echo laws previously adopted in Venezuela and Nicaragua, where "foreign agent" and "sovereignty defense" legislation has been used to shut down organizations that report human rights violations or criticize the government, under the pretext of foreign interference.

Governments backing these laws argue they aim to strengthen transparency, prevent illicit financing and block foreign influence.

But organizations including Amnesty International, the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights and the IACHR warn the measures are part of a broader pattern of shrinking democratic space in the region, where state control is prioritized over civic participation.

Friday, October 30, 2020

Corruption is Everywhere - Zelensky Attempts to UnCorrupt One of the Most Corrupt Countries in the World; Guatemala; Vatican

..
Ukraine’s Zelensky accused of mounting ‘coup’ in seeking to dissolve
Constitutional Court that struck down corruption law
30 Oct 2020 14:26
By Jonny Tickle

People attend a protest outside the building of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine calling for prosecution of the judges who have found many provisions of the Law On Principles of Prevention and Combating Corruption to be illegal, in Kyiv, Ukraine.
© Sputnik / Stringer


Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has submitted a bill to break up the country’s Constitutional Court, after its judges controversially canceled an anti-corruption law punishing public servants for lying about their income.

On October 27, Ukraine’s Constitutional Court struck down a law that would punish government officials for inaccurately declaring personal assets, part of the country's post-Maidan bid to supposedly stamp out corruption. The ruling stated that the National Agency on Corruption Prevention (NACP) had no right to punish public servants for lying on their asset forms, also reversing a law that publicly published their declarations online.

According to the NACP, the judges acted in their own personal interest. In particular, judges Irina Zavgorodnyaya and Sergey Golovaty have been accused of lying in their own paperwork, meaning they would have fallen afoul of the law their court has rejected.

Speaking to the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine on Thursday, the president stated that the ruling “undermines the social contract in Ukraine” and “creates a real threat to national security.”

Later that evening, Zelensky submitted a bill to dissolve the court and reverse its decision. The draft law, submitted to the Rada and numbered 4288, would declare the ruling “null and void” and would “cease the authority of the current composition of the Constitutional Court” as it had “acted in its private interests.”

The court's decision threatens billions of dollars in financial aid due to be received from the IMF, which has been promised to the country on the understanding that Ukraine would ramp up its anti-corruption efforts and implement reforms. European Union MEPs have also threatened Kiev with cuts to aid and with possibly ending a visa-free regime that allows Ukrainians to move freely through the Schengen Area.

The ruling has also created unrest in sections of Ukrainian society and, on Friday afternoon, demonstrators gathered outside the country’s highest court to protest the decision.

In response to Zelensky’s attempt to dissolve Ukraine’s Constitutional Court, the body’s chairman Alexander Tupitsky accused the president of producing a bill that bears “signs of a constitutional coup.”

The court's self-serving decisions were effectively a constitutional coup. Zelensky's move is the right thing to do, and very courageous. Will he live long enough to see it through in a country where corruption has long been a way of life?




Is Washington Taking Corruption in Guatemala Seriously Again?
OCTOBER 30, 2020
ANALYSIS - Written by Héctor Silva Ávalos

In what appears to be a show of support from Washington for Guatemala’s anti-corruption fight, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced that the visa of Felipe Alejos Lorenzana, a vice president of congress facing corruption charges, has been suspended.

Pompeo announced the measures taken against Alejos Lorenza and former congresswoman Delia Bac in an October 28 statement, explaining they both had “undermined the rule of law in Guatemala.”

Bac was a lawmaker until January 2020 and has been accused of embezzling around 2 million quetzales ($256,000) to pay for a new road to connect a spa she had built in a remote part of southern Sacatepéquez department. However, while Bac no longer has immunity, a recent decision by the Supreme Court of Justice (Corte Suprema de Justicia — CSJ) continues to protect her from criminal prosecution.


The case of Alejos Lorenzana is more politically sensitive. It is directly related to the campaign Guatemalan elites have led against the now-defunct International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (Comisión Internacional contra la Impunidad en Guatemala — CICIG) and an anti-impunity unit (Fiscalía Especializada Contra la Impunidad — FECI) within the Attorney General’s Office.

The CICIG and FECI investigated Alejos Lorenzana between 2016 and 2018 for his alleged participation in a large-scale corruption scheme that involved charging illegal fees to private companies in exchange for speeding up payments for public works contracts. This case, dubbed “Traficantes de Influencias” (Influence Peddlers), was one of many to spin off from the famous 2015 La Línea investigation that led to the resignation of then-president Otto Pérez Molina.

On four separate occasions, FECI requested a preliminary trial for Alejos Lorenzana that would have stripped him of his political immunity. These were all rejected by the CSJ to seemingly protect Alejos Lorenzana, who was re-elected last year and once again appointed vice president of congress.

Alejos Lorenzana is believed to have played an essential role in protecting former president Jimmy Morales (2016-2020) from the CICIG and FECI as they investigated alleged acts of corruption and illegal campaign financing. According to an investigation by No Ficción, he was one of Morales’ closest allies in congress and directly maneuvered to protect him.

Alejos Lorenzana was also a key part of the campaign by Guatemalan politicians and entrepreneurs to oust the CICIG, which eventually succeeded in late 2018.




‘Unafraid’ Pope to escalate Vatican corruption fight
By AFP

Pope Francis is preparing to ramp up his fight against corruption in the Vatican, he said in an interview on Friday, weeks after the shock ousting of a cardinal over embezzlement accusations.

“I have had to change many things, and many more will soon change,” the Argentine pontiff told Italy’s Adnkronos news agency when asked about his anti-corruption strategy.

Pope Francis, elected in 2013 on a mandate of cleaning up after a series of scandals in the centuries-old institution, has reformed laws and fired top financial officials to bring the Vatican into line with international standards on transparency and money laundering.

In September, the 83-year old forced the resignation of Italian Cardinal Angelo Becciu, a close adviser who has been accused of syphoning off funds destined for the poor to family members — a charge he denies.

The pope’s reforms have met fierce opposition, particularly among the Church’s old guard.

Of course they would from those abusing the system and afraid of being found out.

Francis said in the interview that he had been warned years ago that if he ever became pope he should get a dog, and make sure it tasted all of his food — and survived — before eating it himself.

“Am I reckless? A bit careless? I wouldn’t know,” he said. “I don’t fear consequences against me. I’m not afraid of anything.”

The Vatican has been dogged by scandals in recent years, including the 2017 conviction of the ex-head of a Vatican-run hospital for funnelling a fortune from a foundation to renovate a cardinal’s apartment.

And the Vatican bank, known as the IOR, was for decades embroiled in controversies, with one of its former presidents ordered to stand trial on charges of embezzlement and money laundering in 2018.

And then the biggest scandal, the murder of Pope John Paul, who was the last Pope to want to clean up the scum in the Vatican, was never a scandal because it was covered-up so well, and no media wanted to turn over that rock to see what was under it. David Yallop's book 'In God's Name', is the only documentation of the murder and cover-up. 



Monday, August 12, 2019

Can a Political Move to the Right in Guatemala Slow Migration to the USA

Guatemala elects conservative Alejandro Giammattei president
By Darryl Coote

Alejandro Giammattei (C) of the Vamos party and the party's candidate for vice president Guillemo Castillo (2-R)
celebrate victory during the preliminary election results at a press conference in Guatemala City, Guatemala, on Sunday.
Photo by Esteban Biba/EPA-EFE

(UPI) -- Guatemalans elected conservative Alejandro Giammattei as their next president, according to the South American country's Electoral Tribunal.

"Thanks, Guatemala!" Giammattei said in proclaiming his election victory on Twitter. "The confidence they placed in me will be the engine to continue our journey through a different Guatemala. Today, I become the top public servant of the nation and together, with the whole country, we will work to make the government that you deserve."

With 95 percent of the vote counted, the Electoral Tribunal announced Sunday that Giammattei of the right-wing Vamos Party had received 59 percent of the presidential run-off vote to beat out three-time runner-up and former first lady Sandra Torres of the center-left National Unity of Hope Party. She earned 41 percent of the vote.

Only 40 percent of the country's 8 million registered voters cast ballots in the election, a drop from 56 percent in 2015.

The drop is partially a reflection of voter apathy and a lack of confidence and trust as outgoing president and former comedian Jimmy Morales, who was ushered to the country's helm on a wave of public anger against corruption that forced President Otto Perez Molina to resign, has come under the scrutiny of a United Nations-backed commission for illegal campaign financing.

Giammattei, 63, will also be taking over the country as it deals with a massive surge of residents fleeing for the United States.

Guatemalan refugees are one of the main groups reaching the United State's southern border seeking asylum, an issue that has dogged President Donald Trump since his inauguration and has only worsened in the last several months following on-month increases in the number of people reaching the border and mass criticism against his administration's policies concerning the treatment of migrants, particularly children, once they make it to the United States.

The issue of asylum seekers to the United States has seen the Trump administration exert influence over countries such as Guatemala in an attempt to stem the flow of refugees, which signed a "safe third country" agreement with the United States in late July under the threat of tariffs.

However, Giammattei, the former chief of the nation's prison system, has opposed the unpopular deal signed in by his predecessor. He also ran on a platform that included building an "economic wall" through job creation to prevent the need for citizens to flee the country.

"We will focus on the construction of a different Guatemala," he said Sunday while proclaiming himself president-elect, the Washington Post reported.

Once inaugurated, Giammattei has the power to nullify the deal, which has been blocked from implementation by the country's highest court with a provisional injunction.

Trump's response needs to be some partnering with Guatemala to greatly improve their economy. This is morally the right thing to do since the USA fleeced Central America of most of its natural resources for at least a century. It's the only logical way to reduce migration to the US, but, I fear, Trump will bully them into implementing the safe third country deal or make their economy even worse.


Monday, September 17, 2018

On Other Side of Border, Mexico Detaining Thousands of Migrant Children

By Patrick Timmons

Mexican immigration officials in Tamaulipas state give instructions to a group of Central American
immigrants intercepted as they crossed the country on Feb. 3. Photo by José Martínez/EPA-EFE

MEXICO CITY,  UPI  -- As the United States grapples with the separation of immigrant families, the same thing is happening across the border in Mexico.

When families with children are caught inside Mexico without papers, they are often detained in prison-like conditions and adolescents are often split from their parents.

Mexican law prohibits detaining migrant children, but it happens anyway because state-run children's shelters lack the capacity to handle the tens of thousands of children, mostly from Central American countries. Instead, Mexican immigration authorities detain children and their families and then deport them together after 60 days if there is no political asylum petition.

Official statistics show Mexico detained 16,191 migrant children from January to July 2018. Of those 8,662 were between the ages of 12 and 17; 7,529 were under age 12. Those under 12 are housed with their families; adolescents are detained separately.

Most of those apprehended under age 12 were traveling with at least one adult family member, but 432 were traveling without family.

Migrant advocates in Mexico have renewed their calls for the Mexican government to improve how it treats the migrant families and children it detains after the outcry this summer over the Trump administration's policy of separating families at the U.S.-Mexico border.

Not a crime in Mexico

Unlike in the United States, Mexico does not criminalize the unauthorized entry of migrants, Madeleine Penman, Amnesty International's Mexico researcher, told UPI. When immigration agents discover migrants without papers they take them into custody, placing them in migrant detention centers until they are deported.

It's a policy known as "assisted return," Penman said, noting that Mexico only uses the term deportation for migrants who have violated their visa conditions.

"In 2016, more than 40,000 children were detained in immigration detention. In 2017, child detentions decreased to about 18,000, with the decline mostly because of reduced migration through Mexico. But this year, child detentions have picked up again and 16,000 children have already been through migrant detention centers," Penman said, citing official statistics from Mexico's National Migration Institute.

Most of the migrant children detained by Mexico this year come from the Central American countries of El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala. For those under 12, almost 3,500 came from Honduras and almost 3,000 came from Guatemala, with most of these accompanied by family members.

"We've seen a number of cases of babies in detention for weeks on end, and there are mothers breastfeeding in detention centers," Penman said.

Conditions in migrant detention

"The problem is that officials -- out of negligence, out of will, or lack of capacity -- are not able to enforce the law in Mexico prohibiting child detention," said Ximena Suárez Enríquez, the Washington Office on Latin America's assistant director for Mexico, a human rights lobbyist in Washington, D.C.

Mexican immigration authorities can only detain irregular migrants. Political asylum seekers are not detained and are instead released into the community until their application is processed and approved.

Mexico's Human Rights Ombudsman has a dedicated office for migrant rights, headed by Edgar Corzo. The ombudsman has called for Mexican authorities to comply with the law prohibiting detention of migrant children.

The ombudsman issued a recommendation for implementing effective migrant child protection in May in a case of an adolescent Honduran girl arrested in Guanajuato and held in Mexico City's Iztapapala migrant detention facility, where she was raped. She filed a complaint against the facility. But Mexico's immigration authorities deported her to Honduras before an investigation could occur.

Lack of legal protection

Many of the state-run community shelters are similar to the migrant detention facilities, afflicted by negligence, abuse and lack of legal protection.

"Mexican federal and state laws are meant to protect all children," said Alberto Xicotencatl Carrasco, director of the Casa del Migrante in Saltillo, a migrant shelter run by the Catholic Church. "But what happens with migrant children and their families is that federal and state authorities pass the buck off between each other, leaving children in legal limbo and so children do not receive appropriate protection."

"There are many unaccompanied children and the federal immigration authorities send them to state-run children's shelters. But these shelters aren't equipped to provide these children with legal representation and so the child just remains in the shelter. Should they be given political asylum or repatriated? The state-run shelter cannot handle those questions. We have seen cases where unaccompanied migrant children are in state-run shelters for more than a year because they don't have legal representation and they don't have legal status in Mexico," Carrasco said.

The detention facilities and state-run community shelters in Tapachula, Chiapas, illustrate the problems. It's the first Mexican city many migrants encounter traveling north from Guatemala en route to the United States.

Tapachula's migrant detention center is Mexico's largest, and a hub for Mexico's detention of Central Americans crossing from Guatemala. Other large migrant detention facilities are in Veracruz and Mexico City.

In 2015 and 2016, a Citizen's Council with unprecedented access to Mexico's migrant detention centers calculated that 2,000 Central American children arrived in Tapachula each month.

Tapachula's state-run children's shelter has capacity for 64 children.

The children's shelters' minuscule capacity means that Tapachula's migrant detention facility is the only facility Mexican authorities can use to house children detained by immigration authorities.

Hope for change

Migrant advocates are hopeful for change with Mexico's new president taking office on Dec. 1. Corzo recently called on president-elect Andrés Manuel López Obrador to end the practice of detaining migrant children.

López Obrador campaigned on a message of wanting Mexico to welcome migrants. His nominee for Interior Minister, Olga Sanchez, also said she wants "a more humane, more empathetic policy" toward migrants. The Interior Ministry runs Mexico's immigration enforcement system.

Sanchez said last week Mexico would not be a policeman for migrants for the United States.

Until, and unless the USA gets involved in improving the lives of people in Central America, this migration will continue. America is of the habit of taking from 3rd world countries and is reaping the consequences of that most unChristian attitude. It's time to start giving back or become part of Latin America with its uncontrollable crime, violence and corruption.



Sunday, February 26, 2017

Guatemala Elects Conservative Christian President

With apologies for not finding this story sooner.
The election occurred in October 2015.


Veronica Neffinger | Editor, ChristianHeadlines.com 

Guatemala has elected a comedian who has studied theology and holds conservative Christian values as the country’s new president.

Breaking Christian News reports that Jimmy Morales was initially considered an outsider, but ended up becoming a frontrunner and then going on to win the election.

Morales espouses conservative values, including opposing abortion, gay marriage, and the legalization of marijuana. Morales ran with the slogan “neither corrupt nor a thief”--a Biblical reference.

President Jimmy Morales
“According to my belief, my ideology, I would have to veto such laws," the president-elect told CBN News. "I think in Guatemala we will not have this because of conservative thinking. In case Congress approves such laws, my position would be against them."

Morales was elected in the wake of political crisis, including the resignation of previous president Otto Perez Molina, due to fraud and corruption.

Many Guatemalan Christians believe President Morales is an answer to their prayers.

The Guatemalan Church had been active throughout the election process, holding prayer meetings, prayer vigils, and fasting.

“God put His hand in Guatemala, it's a miracle what happened," prayer participant Marco Antonio Ruiz said. "We came together as Church and cried out with one voice. The effectual prayer of a righteous man availeth much. God heard the voice of all those who joined us in prayer."

The country’s main evangelical organization also organized the debate held right before the election, which was broadcast on national television and on the Christian network Enlace.

God bless him and keep him.

Monday, January 23, 2017

U.S., Russia - Long History of Election Interference

The U.S. is no stranger to interfering
in the elections of other countries

One professor's database cites 81 attempts by the United States to influence elections in other countries, notably in Italy, Iran, Guatemala and Chile.  
Nina Agrawal. L.A.Times

White House counter-terrorism and Homeland Security advisor Lisa Monaco speaks to reporters at a breakfast hosted by the Christian Science Monitor. (Michael Bonfigli / Christian Science Monitor)

The CIA has accused Russia of interfering in the 2016 presidential election by hacking into Democratic and Republican computer networks and selectively releasing  emails. But critics might point out the U.S. has done similar things. 

The U.S. has a long history of attempting to influence presidential elections in other countries – it’s done so as many as 81 times between 1946 and 2000, according to a database amassed by political scientist Dov Levin of Carnegie Mellon University.

That number doesn’t include military coups and regime change efforts following the election of candidates the U.S. didn’t like, notably those in Iran, Guatemala and Chile. Nor does it include general assistance with the electoral process, such as election monitoring.

Levin defines intervention as “a costly act which is designed to determine the election results [in favor of] one of the two sides.” These acts, carried out in secret two-thirds of the time, include funding the election campaigns of specific parties, disseminating misinformation or propaganda, training locals of only one side in various campaigning or get-out-the-vote techniques, helping one side design their campaign materials, making public pronouncements or threats in favor of or against a candidate, and providing or withdrawing foreign aid.

In 59% of these cases, the side that received assistance came to power, although Levin estimates the average effect of “partisan electoral interventions” to be only about a 3% increase in vote share.

The U.S. hasn’t been the only one trying to interfere in other countries’ elections, according to Levin’s data. Russia attempted to sway 36 foreign elections from the end of World War II to the turn of the century – meaning that, in total, at least one of the two great powers of the 20th century intervened in about 1 of every 9 competitive, national-level executive elections in that time period.

Italy’s 1948 general election is an early example of a race where U.S. actions probably influenced the outcome. 

“We threw everything, including the kitchen sink” at helping the Christian Democrats beat the Communists in Italy, said Levin, including covertly delivering “bags of money”  to cover campaign expenses, sending experts to help run the campaign, subsidizing “pork” projects like land reclamation, and threatening publicly to end U.S. aid to Italy if the Communists were elected.

Levin said that U.S. intervention probably played an important role in preventing a Communist Party victory, not just in 1948, but in seven subsequent Italian elections.

Throughout the Cold War, U.S. involvement in foreign elections was mainly motivated by the goal of containing communism, said Thomas Carothers, a foreign policy expert at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “The U.S. didn’t want to see left-wing governments elected, and so it did engage fairly often in trying to influence elections in other countries,” Carothers said.

This approach carried over into the immediate post-Soviet period. 

In the 1990 Nicaragua elections, the CIA leaked damaging information on alleged corruption by the Marxist Sandinistas to German newspapers, according to Levin. The opposition used those reports against the Sandinista candidate, Daniel Ortega. He lost to opposition candidate Violeta Chamorro.

In Czechoslovakia that same year, the U.S. provided training and campaign funding to Vaclav Havel’s party and its Slovak affiliate as they planned for the country’s first democratic election after its transition away from communism. 

“The thinking was that we wanted to make sure communism was dead and buried,” said Levin.

Even after that, the U.S. continued trying to influence elections in its favor.

In Haiti after the 1986 overthrow of dictator and U.S. ally Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier, the CIA sought to support particular candidates and undermine Jean-Bertrande Aristide, a Roman Catholic priest and proponent of liberation theology. The New York Times reported in the 1990s that the CIA had on its payroll members of the military junta that would ultimately unseat Aristide after he was democratically elected in a landslide over Marc Bazin, a former World Bank official and finance minister favored by the U.S.

Liberation theology - a movement in Christian theology, developed mainly by Latin American Roman Catholics, that emphasizes liberation from social, political, and economic oppression as an anticipation of ultimate salvation. Many a priest and Bishop was murdered for practicing such, like the Bishop of San Salvador, Oscar Romero. Some estimate the number of priests and Bishops murdered for their theology to be in the hundreds. The U.S. was greatly opposed to liberation theology which it saw as Marxist and utterly unacceptable in the Americas, according to Noam Chomsky.

The U.S. also attempted to sway Russian elections. In 1996, with the presidency of Boris Yeltsin and the Russian economy flailing, President Clinton endorsed a $10.2-billion loan from the International Monetary Fund linked to privatization, trade liberalization and other measures that would move Russia toward a capitalist economy. Yeltsin used the loan to bolster his popular support, telling voters that only he had the reformist credentials to secure such loans, according to media reports at the time. He used the money, in part, for social spending before the election, including payment of back wages and pensions. And probably to buy a few dozen cases of vodka.

In the Middle East, the U.S. has aimed to bolster candidates who could further the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. In 1996, seeking to fulfill the legacy of assassinated Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and the peace accords the U.S. brokered, Clinton openly supported Shimon Peres, convening a peace summit in the Egyptian resort of Sharm el Sheik to boost his popular support and inviting him to a meeting at the White House a month before the election.

“We were persuaded that if [Likud candidate Benjamin] Netanyahu were elected, the peace process would be closed for the season,” said Aaron David Miller, who worked at the State Department at the time.

In 1999, in a more subtle effort to sway the election, top Clinton strategists, including James Carville, were sent to advise Labor candidate Ehud Barak in the election against Netanyahu.

In Yugoslavia, the U.S. and NATO had long sought to cut off Serbian nationalist and Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic from the international system through economic sanctions and military action. In 2000, the U.S. spent millions of dollars in aid for political parties, campaign costs and independent media. Funding and broadcast equipment provided to the media arms of the opposition were a decisive factor in electing opposition candidate Vojislav Kostunica as Yugoslav president, according to Levin. “If it wouldn’t have been for overt intervention … Milosevic would have been very likely to have won another term,” he said.