Latin America Rising > Argentina feeding the people rather than political scientific research

 

Argentina's science, technology budget falls to lowest level since 2002

By Francisca Orellana

   

Argentina's science and technology budget has dropped to 0.156% of gross domestic product, its lowest level since 2002, according to a July report from the EPC, a group of researchers, analysts and consultants specializing in science, technology and innovation policy. Photo by ckstockphoto/Pixabay

Aug. 18 (UPI) -- Argentina's scientific expedition "Talud Continental IV," which live-streamed the Mar del Plata submarine canyon using the remotely operated vehicle SuBastian, became a cultural phenomenon.

The recently completed mission averaged 500,000 viewers per broadcast and drew more than 17.5 million views in three weeks.

The mission, led by scientists from Argentina's National Scientific and Technical Research Council (Conicet) in collaboration with the Schmidt Ocean Institute, showcased the potential of Argentine science on the international stage.

However, that success contrasts sharply with the difficult situation facing scientific research in Argentina.

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The country's science and technology budget has dropped to 0.156% of gross domestic product, its lowest level since 2002, according to a July report from the EPC, a group of researchers, analysts and consultants specializing in science, technology and innovation policy.

The sector's share of GDP fell 48% compared to 2023. Spending in the first half of 2025 was down 19% from the same period in 2024, marking a decline of more than 40% in two years.

This is the lowest level recorded since 2002, when the country was in the midst of one of its worst economic crises.

Although the figure stood at 0.30% of GDP when President Javier Milei took office, severe cuts to science and technology have been made over the past two years as part of broader austerity measures to fund social programs.

The Ministry of Science was downgraded to a secretariat, while major research agencies faced steep reductions. Conicet lost 41% of its funding compared with 2024, the I+D+I Agency saw its budget cut by 67%, the National Institute of Industrial Technology fell 46%, the National Institute of Agricultural Technology lost 39.6%, the National Commission on Space Activities dropped 40%, and the National Genetic Data Bank saw its resources reduced by 50.4%.

The adjustment marks an unprecedented cut in government investment in science. In 2024, the state financed 59.5% of the country's research and development, while private companies contributed just 20.7% and universities 1.2%.

In research and development specifically, 61% of funding came from public agencies and universities.

Useful research as opposed to political research

The government, however, has prioritized other areas it considers key to development, including agribusiness, energy and mining, the knowledge economy and innovation, and health, while sidelining programs tied to climate change, the environment and social sciences.

The effects are already visible: insufficient resources for research, lack of equipment and supplies, suspended contracts, wage cuts and a growing brain drain of Argentine scientists abroad.

The effect on scientific employment is clear. An estimated 4,148 jobs have been lost in Argentina's National Science, Technology and Innovation System, a third of them at Conicet, which now has only 11,868 researchers.

For Guillermo Durán, dean of the Faculty of Exact and Natural Sciences at the University of Buenos Aires, the problem goes beyond economics.

"There is a political decision to dismantle Argentina's science and technology system and the high-quality public university system that has always set us apart as a country," he said. His faculty lost 13% of its teaching staff in 2024 due to budget cuts and salary reductions.

"These people decided to end a series of very good programs for Argentina. The damage they are causing could take many years to recover from," Durán warned.

Agustín Campero, president of the Alem Foundation and former secretary of Scientific and Technological Articulation under President Mauricio Macri, agreed on the seriousness of the situation.

"It is dire and will have severe consequences for Argentina's development," he said.

The Science System Financing Law, approved by Congress in 2021, set a schedule for the gradual growth of state investment in science and technology to reach 1% of GDP by 2032. That is what the scientific community and universities are now demanding.

Latin America Rising > Good News and Bad News for Guyana as Elections Approach

 

Guyana faces elections amid oil boom, Maduro's threats

By Macarena Hermosilla

   

Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro has intensified his rhetoric over a long-standing territorial claim to the Essequibo, a region that makes up more than 60% of Guyana’s territory. File Photo by Miguel Gutierrez/EPA

Aug. 14 (UPI) -- With less than three weeks before Guyana's general elections Sept. 1, Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro has intensified his rhetoric over a long-standing territorial claim to the Essequibo, a region that makes up more than 60% of Guyana's territory and that Caracas claims as its own.

The region bordered by Venezuela on the west, Brazil on the southwest and the Atlantic Ocean on the north: It contains dense rainforests, highlands, savannas and low coastal plains.

In his weekly address Tuesday, Maduro said Venezuela "will recover the Essequibo sooner rather than later," a statement that heightens diplomatic tensions at a sensitive moment for the English-speaking nation, which is preparing to elect a new parliament and president amid an unprecedented oil boom and growing regional polarization.

"No matter what ExxonMobil, imperialism or the International Court of Justice do, the Essequibo is and will be Venezuela's," the Venezuelan president said, firmly rejecting any ruling from the Hague-based court.

While such remarks are not new in Venezuela's official rhetoric, they come as Guyana gains international prominence thanks to the rapid development of its oil industry in the offshore area adjacent to the Essequibo.

Major companies such as ExxonMobil, Hess and CNOOC operate there under concessions challenged by Caracas.

Guyana President Irfaan Ali, seeking re-election with the People's Progressive Party/Civic, has avoided direct confrontations with Venezuela, but has firmly defended Guyanese territory before the international community.

The country has brought the dispute before the international court since 2018 and has reiterated its willingness to accept the court's ruling as binding.

The case is moving forward in The Hague, with hearings held in April. Venezuela continues to reject the court's jurisdiction, while Guyana's government has received diplomatic backing from Caribbean nations, the Commonwealth, the United States and the Organization of American States.

"The sovereignty of the Essequibo is not at stake. Guyana is committed to the peaceful resolution of the conflict in accordance with international law," the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said recently.

Analysts say the Venezuelan government may be using the territorial claim for electoral purposes as it faces international sanctions and the recent U.S. announcement of a $50 million reward for information leading to the arrest and/or conviction of Maduro.

U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi accused him of working with criminal organizations, calling him one of the world's most dangerous drug traffickers and a threat to U.S. national security.

By contrast, for Guyana, defending the Essequibo is a matter of national unity. In 2023, after a consultative referendum promoted by Maduro -- in which Venezuelans backed creating a state called "Guayana Esequiba" -- the Guyanese government strengthened its diplomatic strategy and stepped up its appeals at the United Nations.

Guyana's political climate remains tense but stable, with seven parties registering candidates for the elections. The vote will be monitored by missions from the European Union, the Caribbean Community, or Caricom, and the Carter Center, which already has personnel deployed across the country.

The Essequibo has not dominated the campaign debates, which are focused instead on economic development, equitable access to oil revenues and the fight against corruption.

Guyana is undergoing an unprecedented economic transformation, driven by a surge in oil production. In 2024, the economy grew 43.6%, with the oil sector expanding 57.7% and the non-oil sector 13.1%.

The International Monetary Fund projects average annual growth of 14% over the next five years, supported by stronger infrastructure and higher productivity, with non-oil GDP expected to grow about 6.75%.

On the oil front, Guyana has begun production from its fourth floating production, storage and offloading unit, boosting capacity to more than 900,000 barrels per day -- already surpassing Venezuela's current output -- with a goal of reaching between 1.3 million barrels by 2027 and up to 1.7 million by 2030.

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Latin America Rising > Bukele could be President for Life in El Salvador; Guatemala updates money laundering laws; Ecuador's bill to regulate NGOs introduced

 

El Salvador abolishes presidential term limits,

extends term length

By Paul Godfrey

   

MP Claudia Ortiz, the lone elected representative of the Let's Go party in the 60-seat Salvadoran legislative assembly holds a placard Thursday protesting changes to the constitution that will allow the president to run an unlimited number of times. The sign reads "Only the People Can Save the People." Photo by Rodrigo Sura/EPA

Aug. 1 (UPI) -- El Salvadoran lawmakers voted to abolish presidential term limits as part of constitutional reforms that could allow the country's populist president, Nayib Bukele, to remain in power indefinitely.

Under the reformed electoral system, the previous five-year term is increased to six years and a restriction limiting presidents to a single term is removed, allowing El Salvador's executive to run for office an unlimited number of times.

Members of Bukele's New Ideas Party in the Legislative Assembly voted through the reform on Thursday, 18 months after Bukele won a second term in a landslide victory, despite a constitutional prohibition on consecutive terms. The Supreme Court, packed with pro-Bukele justices, waived the ban on grounds that it infringed Bukele's human rights.

Opposition politicians and human rights organizations condemned the move, saying it removed one of the last remaining checks on power and brought the country a step closer to becoming a one-party state.

"Today, democracy has died in El Salvador," said opposition Republican National Alliance MP Marcela Villatoro.

Human Rights Watch said it was a power grab by Bukele aimed at ushering in a dictatorship.

"He's very clearly following the path of leaders who use their popularity to concentrate power to undermine the rule of law and eventually to establish a dictatorship," said HRW Americas deputy director Juan Pappier.

Cristosal, El Salvador's leading human rights organization, which fled the country for Guatemala two weeks ago citing threats and intimidation against its staff, criticized the lack of process and the way the change was rushed through.

"The day before vacation, without debate, without informing the public, in a single legislative vote, they changed the political system to allow the president to perpetuate himself in power indefinitely and we continue to follow the well-travelled path of autocrats," said Cristosal executive Noah Bullock.

Bukele's popularity mainly stems from a crime crackdown, targeting gangs in particular, that has seen El Salvador transformed from one of the most violent nations in the world to one of the safest in the region.

However, he is a divisive figure among Salvadorans.

His policies, including the use of emergency powers to detain as many as 75,000 people without due process, have drawn fire from human rights groups such as Amnesty International, which has said El Salvador was engaged in a "gradual replacement of gang violence with state violence."

The United States got pulled into questions around El Salvador after Maryland resident Kilmar Abrego Garcia, an undocumented Salvadoran migrant, was detained in one of Bukele's notorious 'mega prisons' after being wrongly deported to El Salvador in violation of a 2019 court order that said he could not be deported there.

He was among a group of 261 inmates imprisoned in one of the huge penal facilities after being deported by the Trump administration, who it said were either members of the Venezuelan Tren de Aragua gang or the Salvadoran-dominated MS-13.

Abrego Garcia, who was accused of being a member of the MS-13, was returned to the United States in June at the request of the Justice Department to face federal migrant smuggling charges in Tennessee.

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Guatemala pushes money laundering bill to avoid international sanctions

By Macarena Hermosilla

   

Guatemalan President Bernardo Arevalo, who formally submitted the money-laundering bill to Congress on Tuesday, speaks a day earlier at a press conference in Guatemala City. Photo by Alex Cruz/EPA

July 31 (UPI) -- The Guatemalan government has introduced key legislation to modernize its money laundering laws and prevent the country from being added to the international financial system's "gray list" -- a designation that could raise borrowing costs and limit access to credit.

President Bernardo Arévalo formally submitted the bill to Congress on Tuesday, calling it a strategic tool to strike at the "heart" of organized crime and drug trafficking.  

During the launch of a program aimed at integrating Guatemalan companies into Walmart's supply chain in Central America, U.S. Ambassador Tobin Bradley stated that "the new anti-money laundering law is a platform for transparency and for attracting more investment to Guatemala."

The proposal updates laws from 2001 and 2005 that officials say are outdated and inadequate for confronting modern money laundering and illicit financing schemes.

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It expands the range of entities required to implement controls, report suspicious transactions and appoint compliance officers. The bill also includes reforms to the Penal Code, Commercial Code, Law Against Organized Crime and private security regulations.

If the reform is not approved and implemented this year, Guatemala risks being placed on the "gray list" of the Financial Action Task Force, an intergovernmental organization created in 1989 by the G7.

The list includes jurisdictions with strategic deficiencies in their anti-money laundering and counter-terrorist financing systems. Countries on the list are under increased monitoring and must address shortcomings within set timeframes.

"Being added to this list would significantly restrict international transactions, raise the cost of external financing and, in turn, limit access to credit. It could also lead to local banks losing the ability to work with international banks, making it harder to carry out essential operations for the people of Guatemala -- such as remittances, international payments or letters of credit for exporters," Arévalo said.

The initiative's legislative prospects depend on the political support the government can secure among various blocs in Congress, where it holds a minority.

The executive branch said it has begun informal talks with congressional blocs and plans to make formal presentations to committees and party groups once Congress returns from recess.

Guatemala has faced warnings from Financial Action Task Force Latin America since 2022 for failing to pass key reforms. The Inter-American Development Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have warned the country that without new legislation, a poor assessment will be inevitable at the next task force plenary meeting, which is likely in October.

The Arévalo administration views the reform as one of its most significant efforts to modernize the country's institutional framework.

Ecuador joins regional push to control

NGO funding

By Macarena Hermosilla

   

Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa's proposal would create a mandatory registry for nonprofit entities, require regular financial reporting and allow the government to suspend or revoke operating permits if NGOs engage in “activities incompatible with the national interest.” Photo by MARXCINE/Pixabay

Aug. 1 (UPI) -- Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa has introduced a bill in the National Assembly to regulate the funding and activities of non-governmental organizations, particularly those that receive money from abroad.

The proposal would create a mandatory registry for nonprofit entities, require regular financial reporting and allow the government to suspend or revoke operating permits if NGOs engage in "activities incompatible with the national interest."

If approved, Ecuador would join a regional push that has taken shape over the past year in countries such as Peru, El Salvador and Paraguay.

According to the Ecuadorian government, the bill aims to bring greater transparency to the operations of NGOs, many of which it says operate without clearly disclosing their funding sources, international ties or true objectives.

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"I'm not attacking NGOs. Some of them do honorable work and help people in Ecuador. Those organizations won't have problems because they'll be able to explain where their money comes from," Noboa said.

Although the bill does not yet specify penalties, it would require organizations to disclose their donors, provide documentation for expenses and avoid political activities not explicitly authorized in their charters.

Civil society groups in Ecuador have voiced concern, warning the measure could open the door to arbitrary restrictions and potential censorship.

In March, Peru's Congress passed a law expanding the powers of the Peruvian Agency for International Cooperation to audit foreign-funded projects. The law allows fines of up to $500,000 and authorizes the suspension of organizations that use those funds to bring legal action against the state -- a common practice in human rights and Indigenous advocacy.

Despite opposition from more than 70 domestic NGOs and international groups, including the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and Human Rights Watch, President Dina Boluarte's government defended the law as a way to "organize" international cooperation.

In El Salvador, the ruling-party-controlled legislature approved the Foreign Agents Law in May. The law imposes a 30% tax on foreign donations, requires registration in a special government registry and gives the executive branch authority to sanction or shut down organizations it accuses of meddling in domestic affairs.

Human rights groups have condemned the Salvadoran law, saying it restricts the work of humanitarian organizations and independent media.

In Paraguay, a regulation enacted in November 2024 requires all nonprofit organizations to register with the Ministry of Economy and Finance, file biannual reports on income and expenses and disclose any ties to international agencies.

The measure prohibits unregistered NGOs from signing agreements with the state and includes penalties ranging from suspension of activities to the permanent revocation of legal status.

Paraguayan and regional organizations have warned that the law criminalizes international cooperation and could seriously undermine human rights advocacy.

Critics say these measures echo laws previously adopted in Venezuela and Nicaragua, where "foreign agent" and "sovereignty defense" legislation has been used to shut down organizations that report human rights violations or criticize the government, under the pretext of foreign interference.

Governments backing these laws argue they aim to strengthen transparency, prevent illicit financing and block foreign influence.

But organizations including Amnesty International, the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights and the IACHR warn the measures are part of a broader pattern of shrinking democratic space in the region, where state control is prioritized over civic participation.

Latin America Rising > The World's fastest aging population is in Latin America; Central America offers great lifestyles for US retirees

 

Latin America has the fastest aging population in world

By Macarena Hermosilla

   

Though Uruguay leads the trend, population aging is accelerating across Latin America. File Photo by Raúl Martínez/EPA

July 29 (UPI) -- Uruguay is experiencing one of the most significant demographic transformations in Latin America, driven by a declining birthrate and an aging population.

According to projections from the National Institute of Statistics, the country's total fertility rate dropped to 1.27 children per woman in 2023 and is expected to fall to 1.20 by the end of this year -- well below the replacement-level threshold of 2.1.

The population, which peaked at 3.51 million people in 2020, is projected to decline steadily, falling to some 3 million by 2070. By then, more than 32% of residents will be over 65, while only 11.5% will be under 15.

Though Uruguay leads the trend, population aging is accelerating across Latin America.

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While the region is not the oldest in absolute terms -- Europe and East Asia have higher shares of older adults -- it is aging faster than anywhere else in the world.

According to the United Nations Population Division, Latin America will make the demographic shift from a young to an aging society in less than 40 years -- a transition that took Europe more than a century.

In countries such as Chile, Brazil and Argentina, more than 15% of the population is now over the age of 65, and the median age exceeds 32, reflecting a rapid demographic shift.

This shift coincides with a long-term drop in fertility, now averaging 1.8 children per woman. The decline is linked to a range of factors: improved access to education, increased female labor force participation, urbanization and evolving family values.

One particularly significant factor has been the decline in teenage pregnancies, which for years accounted for a substantial share of total births in several countries. In Latin America, fertility among women ages 15 to 19 remained high even as it declined in other age groups -- but over the past decade, it has dropped sharply.

Helena Cruz Castanheira, a demographer at the Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Center of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, said the decline happened faster than expected.

"We expected the fertility rate to stabilize around the replacement level -- 2.1 children per woman -- by 2020, but overall fertility continued to fall below that threshold, and one reason was the significant drop in births among teenagers," she said.

Uruguay again offers a clear example: between 2016 and 2018, access to free subdermal contraceptive implants accounted for one-third of the decline in teen fertility.

This trend is playing out in other countries, as well. In Colombia, for example, 2024 saw the lowest number of births ever recorded -- 445,011 -- of which only 3,159 were to teenage mothers.

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Although the average age of first sexual activity has remained stable -- or even declined -- in some countries, what has changed is increased access to and use of contraceptives, partly due to public policies focused on sexual and reproductive health.

Still, Latin America and the Caribbean continue to have the second-highest rate of teenage fertility in the world, with 52 births per 1,000 women ages 15 to 19 in 2022, compared with the global average of 39.

Each year, more than 1.6 million girls and teens in Latin America become mothers -- many of them victims of sexual abuse and living in poverty and vulnerable conditions. This reality limits their access to education and employment and reinforces intergenerational inequality.

Cruz emphasized that the goal of demographic policy should be to ensure women can have the number of children they want, when they choose to.

"Unplanned teenage pregnancies are associated with more difficult life paths for young mothers. That's why countries must continue investing in sexual health, family planning and education," she said.

According to a report from Austral University in Argentina, only Ecuador, Paraguay, Mexico and Peru currently show a more favorable outlook, with a larger share of youth under 15 -- suggesting greater long-term productive potential.

By contrast, the population age 65 and older has grown steadily across the region, reaching or surpassing 15% in several countries. This trend is reflected in indicators such as median age, which now exceeds 30 in most nations. Uruguay, Chile, Brazil and Argentina report the highest figures.

As the population ages, there are fewer working-age people for each retiree.

Uruguay offers a clear warning: aging is happening faster than expected. Without adjustments to social, health, pension and elder care policies, the economic and social consequences could be severe.

Isn't it ironic that Latin Americans are coming to the USA to make more money, and retiring Americans are moving to Latin America because their money is worth more there?

Index: 3 Latin American nations offer nicer lifestyles for U.S. retirees

By Mar Puig

   

A man rests on Jaco beach, in San Jose, Costa Rica, in July 2024. The country attracts retirees with its biodiversity, peaceful environment and high-quality medical care. File Photo by Jeffrey Arguedas/EPA

July 29 (UPI) -- Panama, Mexico and Costa Rica have emerged as leading destinations for U.S. retirees this year, offering a more affordable, safer and more comfortable lifestyle overseas, according to the 2025 Global Retirement Index prepared by International Living magazine.

The rising global population over age 65 -- projected to reach 16% by 2050, according to Statista -- is driving a wave of retiree migration focused on mild climates, access to quality healthcare and an active lifestyle with lower financial strain.

Data from the Social Security Administration show that more than 730,000 U.S. retirees receive their benefits while living abroad, with Latin America accounting for a growing share.

Panama tops the global retirement rankings for its accessible pensioner visa, political stability and retiree perks, including 25% discounts on electricity and restaurant bills, and up to 50% off cultural activities.

The cost of living there for a couple starts at about $2,400 per month. The country also offers 18-month temporary residency through a remote work visa.

Mexico ranks fourth, driven by its low cost of living, cultural diversity and affordable healthcare. According to the report, a retiree can live comfortably on about $1,500 a month. In tourist areas such as the Riviera Maya, monthly rent averages around $500.

Puerto Vallarta, San Miguel de Allende and Chapala remain among the most popular destinations for U.S. retirees.

Costa Rica, ranked third in the index, attracts retirees with its biodiversity, peaceful environment and high-quality medical care. Residency is available with a minimum monthly income of $1,000, and housing can be found starting at $550 a month.

The Central Valley is especially popular for its mild climate and proximity to top-tier healthcare services.

Rosmery Hernández, a professor at the National University of Costa Rica, said the country "has spent decades building a quality-of-life environment based on public policy, education and civic participation, which today makes it attractive to retirees from the United States and Europe."

She also noted that Costa Rica offers a strong healthcare system, easy access to international flights and infrastructure that makes travel within the country easy.

However, Hernández warned that the growth of the international retiree market has accelerated gentrification in areas like Guanacaste, raising the cost of services and land for local residents.

"The challenge is finding a balance that allows local communities to coexist with new international residents, creating mutual benefits without triggering displacement," she said.

While European countries like Portugal, Spain and France also rank among the top international retirement destinations, Latin America offers advantages such as geographic proximity to the United States, more flexible immigration policies and a cultural environment that feels more familiar to many Americans, according to the retirement index.

All three Latin American countries have strengthened their immigration frameworks and services to attract this demographic, as more U.S. citizens view retiring abroad as both a financially viable and socially enriching option.