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Showing posts with label Marion Marechal-Le Pen. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Marion Marechal-Le Pen. Show all posts

Monday, May 8, 2017

Macron Won France's Presidency, but He Needs a Legislative Majority to Govern

And at this point, he doesn't have a single elected member

French President-elect Emmanuel Macron waves to a crowd of supporters outside the Louvre 
Museum in Paris on May 7, 2017. (Patrick Kovarik / AFP/Getty Images)

Kim Willsher and Chris O'Brien, LA Times

In the end, French voters chose to look outward and not in on themselves after a divisive presidential election that devolved into a bitter clash over two opposing visions for the country and its place in Europe and the world.

Political leaders around the world offered their congratulations to Emmanuel Macron, breathing a sigh of relief that French voters on Sunday overwhelmingly picked a centrist who embraced the European Union and international cooperation over the extreme-right, anti-immigration Marine Le Pen and her National Front party.

In a joyful celebration at the Louvre Museum that drew thousands of dancing and cheering supporters, Macron, 39, pledged to be a president for all of the French and to bind the political wounds that have deeply divided the country.

“Tonight, there is only the reunited people of France,” he said. “The world is watching us. Europe and the world.”

Yet any hope that France might be ready to rally around its youngest-ever president were dashed as opponents across the political system declared loudly their intentions to mount a fierce resistance to Macron’s government.

After swiftly conceding the election, Le Pen said that her National Front was now the primary opposition party in France and called on her supporters to continue to stand up against the establishment.

"I call on all patriots to take part in the decisive political battles that are beginning today,” she said.

The mainstream Socialist and conservative parties that lost badly in this presidential election were already gearing up to try to regain ground in next month's critical legislative elections.

Jean-Luc Melenchon, the far-left candidate who came in a close fourth during the first round of voting last month, issued a call to his supporters to resist Macron and his reforms as they fight in the next round of elections. And one of the country's major unions called for nationwide demonstrations Monday, a national holiday in France, to remind Macron that its members’ votes against Le Pen were not a sign of support for his policies.

As political honeymoons go, Macron's may have ended before the clock struck midnight.

It had been a nail-biting campaign to the end with allegations of “massive and coordinated" hacking of Macron campaign documents to disrupt the vote just hours before the polls opened Sunday, and fears that the opinion polls might once again have gotten it wrong.

When the provisional results came in — 65.1% for Macron, 34.9% for Le Pen — there was an explosion of joy on one side and recrimination on the other.

Once again, the threat of rising populism, xenophobia and fear-mongering over immigration, security, Islam and terrorism had been seen off in Europe — for the moment. 

Or, to put it another way, France, like much of Europe is still not willing to believe that it is doomed to a future of creeping Sharia, increasing terrorism, increasing anti-Semitism, and a rapidly failing European culture. 

It isn't that France defeated the 'fear-mongering' far right, it is that the politicians and media made the far-right the object of 'fear-mongering'. The French voted out of fear - fear of Islam or fear of Hitler. They have yet to come to grips with the fact that Hitler is long gone and Islam is on the door-step. 5 years from now, that should be painfully obvious.

Macron may have won the battle, but he will need to secure a parliamentary majority in order to win the war over who gets to govern France.

After naming a prime minister, Macron will assemble what he has described as his administration's "commando" — 15 ministers to push through his election pledges. But he could be forced to make changes to the lineup if he doesn’t win a convincing majority in the two-round legislative elections on June 11 and June 18 that will decide the 577 members of the National Assembly.

The president-elect has said that his insurgent movement “En Marche!” — or “Onward!” — will field candidates in all constituencies, but it will be starting almost from scratch without a single existing member of Parliament.

The pressure is on. After widespread disappointment in his two predecessors — the outgoing Socialist President Francois Hollande and conservative Nicolas Sarkozy — voters expect Macron to live up to his promise to bring a fresh new style to the presidency and real economic and social change.

Macron is young, and hopefully he will do something for the young
in this country. We're fed up with the same old politicians,
the same old promises.
— Vince Andre, 29-year-old student

Sylvain Crepon, a French political analyst and member of the Radical Politics Observatory at the Paris-based Jean-Jaures think tank, said next month's votes would be complicated for Macron.

"There are lots of uncertainties in the legislative elections, especially as the winner of the presidential election doesn't even have a party and is insisting lawmakers must not [hold more than one elected position at a time], which concerns 40% of the outgoing members of Parliament," Crepon said.

There are three possible outcomes. The new president could obtain an outright majority in the National Assembly, giving him the ability to govern as he sees fit. If he does not have a majority in the lower house and is forced to appoint a prime minister from an opposition party, he will be in a situation that the French call "cohabitation," meaning he can do little.

The third possibility is that “En Marche!” would have the biggest group of lawmakers in the National Assembly, but not a clear majority, giving the new president some room to maneuver, but not a free hand.

The disarray in Hollande’s Socialist Party and Sarkozy’s Republicans following their humiliating rejection by voters in the presidential battle could work in Macron's favor. However, the center-right Republicans are regrouping and have already produced a list of candidates for all parliamentary seats.

An OpinionWay-SLPV analytics survey last week suggested that Macron could win up to 286 seats in the National Assembly, the center-right parties around 200-210, the National Front 15-25, the Socialists up to 43 and the far-left up to eight seats..

President Trump tweeted his congratulations to Macron on the “big win” and said he looked forward to working with the president-elect.

Macron arrived at the celebration outside the Louvre to the strains of “Ode to Joy,” the Beethoven classic and European Union anthem, a symbolic choice.

“What we have done for the last many months has no precedent or equivalent,” he told the cheering crowd. “Everyone said it was not possible, but they didn’t know France.”

In a nod to the nine rivals who lost in the first round, Macron said he was grateful to those who had disagreed with his program but still voted for him in order to “defend the republic against extremism.”

The crowd began booing and whistling when he said he “respected” the feelings of those who had voted for Le Pen "out of anger, disarray and sometimes conviction.”

“No, don’t whistle them,” Macron said. "I will do everything I can in the next five years to ensure there is no reason to vote for extremes.”

Waving a flag outside the Louvre, Vince Andre, a 29-year-old student, said he was delighted with the result.

"Macron is young, and hopefully he will do something for the young in this country,” he said. “We're fed up with the same old politicians, the same old promises."

Across at Le Pen’s reception, the atmosphere was more subdued, but not what might be expected following her electoral thrashing. There was more a sense of determination than resignation.

Inside a restaurant tucked inside a wooded park, Le Pen delivered her concession speech to a few hundred supporters and the limited number of journalists who were granted access. She mixed through the adoring crowd, hugging and kissing well-wishers, and later danced the night away to disco music.

Although disappointed, her supporters expressed pride that Le Pen had come so far against a system they consider to be stacked against her.

“We ran against the country’s political system,” said Jean Messiha, an economist at Paris’ Science Po university and a top campaign advisor. “And now the National Front is the primary opposition party in the country.”

This combination of pictures shows French presidential candidates Emmanuel Macron, left, and Marine le Pen exiting polling booths on May 7, 2017. (Eric Feferberg / AFP/ Getty Images)

Anne Lavernier D’Havernel walked out of the event carrying a blue flower and wearing a smile. Saying the party had “lost the battle, but not the war,” she said the press and political establishment had misrepresented people like herself, who had hosted refugees at her home and respected all races and countries.

Still, the recriminations began minutes after the election results flashed up on television screens.

Le Pen’s father, Jean-Marie Le Pen, who founded the National Front, blamed his daughter's advisors for her defeat. Her niece, Marion Marechal-Le Pen, one of the party's two members of Parliament, said the far-right had failed to get its message across.

She is absolutely right!

Other party members floated the idea in televised interviews that Marechal-Le Pen, who is seen as even more right-wing than her aunt, might replace her as leader.

Le Pen's defeat was a blow, but not a knockout for Europe's far-right parties, which have picked up support across the continent as disillusionment with the EU grows and countries struggle to emerge from a long economic crisis that has left many mired in slow growth and high unemployment, while simultaneously dealing with waves of migrants fleeing war and poverty around the world.

In March, Dutch voters scuppered right-wing populist Geert Wilders' promised "Patriotic Spring" revolution, giving him less than 13% of the vote in legislative elections and delivering a clear victory to his liberal rival, Mark Rutte.

Last December, Austria's far-right Freedom Party was narrowly defeated in a presidential vote but claimed it was in "pole position" for legislative elections next year. Sweden also holds a general election next year with the anti-immigration Sweden Democrats party currently in third place.

Far-right movements have also been picking up public support and making electoral gains in Italy, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Germany.

Joel Gombin, one of France’s leading experts on the far right, said the National Front, or FN, could increase its representation in Parliament considerably.

"Traditionally the FN doesn't do so well in legislative elections, but we will see some probable increase following the presidential success,” Gombin said. “I'm not sure it will be anywhere near the 100 MPs the FN announced, but it could be between 15 and 20, and even then it's 10 times more than the party has at present.”

Monday, July 18, 2016

ANALYSIS: The Le Pens Have Become Royalty in South of France

Despite party's popularity, some supporters are coy about showing their true colours to outsiders

By Don Murray, for CBC News
Don Murray was a reporter for CBC News for many years, now freelancing. Like all CBC reporters he leans somewhat to port (that's left, for you non sea-goers). This will be obvious in his writing but the article is still quite interesting and informative.

Carpentras, a small city in the south of France, is the headquarters of MP Marion Maréchal-Le Pen, the granddaughter of the founder and first leader of France’s far-right National Front, and niece of the party's current leader, Marine Le Pen. The party's view are popular in the region.
Carpentras, a small city in the south of France, is the headquarters of MP Marion Maréchal-Le Pen, the granddaughter of the founder and first leader of France’s far-right National Front, and niece of the party's current leader, Marine Le Pen. The party's view are popular in the region. (Associated Press)

"You know the town?" the French woman asked. I had come in to buy food.

I said I did, having had a house in the region for years.

"So you know the situation in Carpentras?"

I talked of the economic crisis, of streets with closed and shuttered shops.

She shook her head. That wasn't the problem. She then spoke of a terrifying encounter where young men — young "Arab" men, she specified — challenged a couple of tourists in the middle of the day, announcing that the street was theirs and off-limits to outsiders. Then there were threats.

"The couple fled," she said. This was her example of the problem and why the city is in decline.

I said I know people who live in Carpentras. They hadn't mentioned any such trouble. She looked at me; I had failed the test.

Carpentras is a small city of 30,000 in the south of France, an hour's drive from Marseille and two from Nice. It's also the headquarters of Carpentras MP Marion Maréchal-Le Pen, the granddaughter of the founder and first leader of France's far-right National Front. The present leader of the party is Marine Le Pen, Marion Maréchal-Le Pen's aunt.

FRANCE-POLITICS/LEPEN
Marion Maréchal-Le Pen signs autographs after a political rally in Carpentras on Nov. 10, 2015. (Reuters)

Carpentras, in the minds of many like the woman I spoke with, is a divided city. And fear is the wedge. Fear reinforced by economic insecurity. Unemployment among young people stands at 25%. Many are convinced outsiders — Muslims — have grabbed scarce jobs.

The divisions are more visible than 20 years ago. It is a city with a Muslim minority of up to 15% (the statistics are approximate because the French census cannot ask questions about ethnic background or religious affiliation).

Today, many more Muslim women walk the streets veiled, even young women born in France.

And at the Carpentras weekly market, which spreads through the streets and is the oldest continuing weekly market in the country, the stands where men and women of North African origin sell their vegetables are found increasingly in the streets at the edge of the old town.



Rhetorical attack

The National Front is powerful here, as it is throughout the south. In the "élections regionales" in December 2015 — votes to elect powerful regional councils in the country —  the party took 52% of the vote in the second round in Carpentras. Across the whole region, which sweeps from north of Carpentras and Avignon down to Marseille and Nice, it only lost the second round to control the council when the other parties formed a "republican front" behind the centre-right party.

It's perhaps not a coincidence that the National Front vote jumped in those elections. They took place just a month after the murderous attacks in Paris that killed 130 people.

Of course, these days in France you are never very distant time-wise from a massacre.

EUROPE-ATTACKS/NICE
A man cries at a memorial for those killed in last week's deadly truck attack in Nice, France. (Reuters)

In the wake of the Nice attack, Marion Maréchal-Le Pen returned to the rhetorical attack.

"If we don't kill Islamism, it will kill us. These scenes of horror will become a daily reality."

'Nightmare for the French'

The deadly attacks and the Islamists were only the tip of the iceberg. Maréchal-Le Pen then denounced "French citizens on paper only" and Muslims in general.

"It's not possible to assimilate entire peoples with their foreign culture and religion," she said. Their presence is leading to "a nightmare for the French of aggression, insults and attacks" like the one in Nice.

The rhetoric works, in fact it works so well that a lot of it has been taken up by mainstream parties. The government talks of "war" against Islamism, and opposition leaders don't even wait for the end of the three-day period of national mourning to launch bitter attacks on the government for its lax approach to terrorism.

Even talk of reimposing border controls and far more draconian laws of search, seizure and punishment for suspected terrorists is now part of the mainstream French political vocabulary. The rhetoric of division, of suspicion and of punishment, long the calling card of the National Front, is now echoed across the political spectrum. It's a major victory for the party.



'The abuse has increased'

Insecurity cuts both ways. As the rhetoric heats up, Muslim men who've lived and worked in the region for decades tell the media they feel the effects. They have become fearful.

"We are the worst affected by the attacks," one said. "The abuse has increased."

"Worst affected?" I don't think so. But, of course, there is some polarity that develops when every mass murder in the country was done by people with Islam in their hearts, if they have hearts.

"People I know," another man named Mohammed said, "people who used to embrace me, now avoid me. They're cold."

There is, of course, a real and dangerous problem with Islamists, particularly in the south of France. Some estimates suggest up to 2,000 have left France to fight for ISIS in Syria in the past two years. And some have found their way back into France.



Greatest danger

But Patrick Calvar, the head of the DGSI, France's internal intelligence service, pointed to something else when asked about the greatest danger he feared.

In testimony to a French parliamentary commission in May, he said his nightmare is a violent backlash following more murderous terrorist attacks. The backlash, he said, might take the form of armed attacks on Muslims by ultra-right militias, some of which have informal links with the National Front.

"Then what you will have is confrontation between the far-right and the Muslims," he said. "Not with Islamists, let me be clear. With Muslims."

Now I'm not the most clever person in the world, but I saw that coming 5 years ago. Had the governments of the day addressed the issue back then, it might not have come down to this precarious position. But rather than deal with the issue, they simply called the Le Pens far right kooks, ignored the warnings and ganged-up on them to keep them out of power. But the chickens are coming home to roost.

EUROPE-ATTACKS/NICE
Soldiers from the French Foreign Legion patrol on the Promenade des Anglais on the third day of national mourning to pay tribute to victims of the deadly truck attack on Bastille Day in Nice. (Reuters)

For the moment, National Front supporters, like the woman I met, are coy around outsiders about showing their colours. Many know the party's view of Muslims as second-class citizens sits badly in a country that officially stands for "liberty, equality, fraternity." They vote for it, in ever greater numbers, but they don't advertise it.

But sometimes there is no hiding their leanings. When two young men entered a leading food shop in Carpentras and said they were Le Pen aides and needed some delicacies for a family feast, the shop owner fluttered about and assured them the family would have everything it desired.

In this corner of the world, the Le Pens have become royalty.  Or, at least, hope!